18.10.12

My Meeting with President Kim Il Sung

I had not gone to North Korea because I wanted to see my hometown,
or because I wanted to tour Mount Kumgang. I wanted to
meet President Kim Il Sung and have a serious discussion on the
future of our homeland. Yet, six days into my visit, there was no word
on whether a meeting with President Kim could be arranged. When we
arrived back at Pyongyang’s Sunan Airport by helicopter after visiting
my hometown, however, I found that Vice Premier Kim Dal Hyun had
unexpectedly come to meet me.
“The Great Leader Kim Il Sung will receive you tomorrow,” he told
me. “The place will be the Majeon Presidential Residence in Heungnam,
so you will need to board a special flight immediately, and go to
Heungnam.”
I thought to myself, “They say he has many presidential residences.
Why, of all places, Heungnam?”
On my way, I noticed a large sign for the Heungnam Nitrogen Fertilizer
Factory, where I had been forced to labor. It reminded me of
my time in prison and gave me an odd feeling. I spent the night in a
guesthouse and went the next day to meet the president.
As I approached the official residence, I found President Kim at the
entrance, waiting to greet me. The two of us simultaneously embraced
each other. I was an anti-communist and he was the leader of a communist
party, but ideology and philosophies were not important in the
context of our meeting. We were like brothers who were meeting for the
first time after a long separation. This was the power of belonging to the
same people and sharing the same blood.
Right at the outset, I said to him: “Mr. President, because of your
warm consideration, I have been able to meet my family. There are,
however, 10 million Koreans who are members of families separated
between North and South, and they are unable even to know whether
their relatives on the other side are alive or dead. I would like to ask you
to grant them the opportunity to meet each other.”
I spent a little more time telling him about my visit to my hometown,
and appealed to his love for the Korean people. He and I spoke the same
dialect, so we were at ease with one another.
President Kim responded, “I feel the same way. From next year, let’s
begin a movement that allows separated compatriots of North and South
to meet one another.” His acceptance of my proposal was as natural as
the snow melting in spring.
After speaking of my visit to Jeong-ju, I moved on to my views on
nuclear weapons. I respectfully proposed that North Korea agree to a
declaration on the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula and sign a
safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency.
President Kim responded with candor, “President Moon. Think for
a moment. Who am I going to kill by making nuclear weapons? Kill
my own people? Do I look like that kind of person? I agree that nuclear
energy should be used only for peaceful purposes. I have listened attentively
to what you have to say, and I expect it will be all right.”
At the time, North-South relations were at a difficult point over the
issue of nuclear inspections in North Korea, and so I had made my proposal
with some reluctance. Everyone present, however, was surprised
that President Kim responded in such a pleasant tone. At this point, we
adjourned our meeting to a dining room, where we took an early lunch.
“President Moon, are you familiar with ‘frozen potato noodles’? It’s a
dish I ate quite often when I was active as a partisan on Mount Baekdu.
Please try some.”
“Well, of course I know it,” I said, responding to his words with delight.
“We used to enjoy this dish in my hometown.”
“Well, I’m sure in your hometown you ate it as a delicacy,” he continued.
“I ate it to survive. The Japanese police used to search for us all the
way to the top of Mount Baekdu. We didn’t have a chance to sit down
to a decent meal. What else is there to eat at the top of Mount Baekdu
other than potatoes?
“We would start to boil some potatoes, and if the Japanese police
came after us, we would bury the potatoes in the ground and run away.
It would be so cold that by the time we got back, the potatoes would
be frozen solid in the ground. The only thing we could do was dig up
the potatoes, thaw them, and then turn them into powder, so we could
make noodles out of them.”
“Mr. President,” I said, “you are an expert on frozen potato noodles.”
“That’s right. They taste good mixed in bean soup, and they also taste
very good if you eat them in sesame soup. It’s a dish that is easy on the
digestion, and because potatoes have a tendency to stick together, it is
very filling.
“Also, President Moon,” he continued, “it tastes really good if you
do like they do in Ham-gyung Province and take some leaf mustard
kimchi, like this, and put it over the noodles. You should try it.”
I did as he suggested and ate my frozen potato noodles with some
leaf mustard kimchi over them. The tasty flavor of the noodles matched
well the spicy kimchi and left my stomach feeling light.
“There are many delicacies in the world,” President Kim said. “I’m
not interested in any of those. There’s nothing better than the potato
cakes, corn, and sweet potatoes that I used to eat in my hometown.”
“You and I even share similar tastes in food,” I said. “It’s good that
people who share the same homeland can meet like this.”
“How was it when you visited your hometown?” he asked me.
“I was filled with many emotions,” I said. “The home where I lived
was still there, and I sat in the main room to think about the past. I
almost expected to hear the voice of my late mother, calling me. It was
an emotional feeling.”
“I see,” he said. “It shows that our country needs to be unified immediately.
I hear that when you were young, you were quite mischievous.
Did you have a chance to run around while you were there this time?”
Everyone at the table laughed at the president’s comment.
“I wanted to climb a tree and go fishing, but I heard that you were
waiting for me, so I quickly came here. I hope you will invite me to
come again sometime.”
“Well, of course. Of course I will. President Moon, do you like to
hunt? I like hunting very much. I think if you go bear hunting on Mount
Baekdu, you will enjoy it very much. Bears have big bodies and look
uncoordinated, but they are actually very nimble.
“I once came face to face with a bear,” he continued. “The bear
looked at me and didn’t move a muscle. If I had started to run, you
know what would have happened, don’t you? So what was I going to do?
I stared right back at him and just stood there. One hour passed, then
two hours, three hours. But the bear just kept staring at me. You know
how Mount Baekdu is famous for being cold. I was afraid I might freeze
to death before the bear ate me.”
“So what happened?”
“Well, President Moon, do you see the bear sitting here, or do you
see me?”
I laughed out loud, and President Kim immediately followed with a
suggestion.
“President Moon,” he said, “the next time you come, let’s go hunting
together on Mount Baekdu.”
I responded quickly with my own invitation.
“Mr. President, you like to fish, don’t you? On Kodiak Island in
Alaska, you can catch halibut that are as big as bears. Let’s go fishing for
those sometime.”
“Halibut as big as bears? Well, I will definitely have to go.”
The two of us were able to communicate well about our shared hobbies
of hunting and fishing. At one point, we each felt we had so much
to say to the other that we just started talking like old friends meeting
after a long separation. Our laughter echoed around the dining room.
I also talked about Mount Kumgang.
“I went to Mount Kumgang, and it really is a beautiful mountain,”
I said. “It needs to be developed as a tourism destination for our
people.”
“Mount Kumgang will be an asset to our unified homeland,” President Kim
said. “So I have made sure that only certain people can touch it. If it’s developed
in the wrong way, it could be ruined. You have an international eye,
and I could trust someone like you to take it over and develop it for us.”
President Kim went so far as to ask that we develop Mount Kumgang.
“Mr. President,” I said, “you are older than me, so you are like my
older brother.”
He responded, “President Moon, from now, let’s refer to each other as
older brother and younger brother,” and he grasped my hand tightly.
President Kim and I held each other’s hand as we walked down the
hallway and took commemorative photographs. Then I left the residence.
After I had gone, I was told that President Kim told his son, Kim
Jong Il, “President Moon is a great man. I have met many people in my
life, but none were like him. He has a broad scale of thinking, and he
overflows with heart. I felt close to him. It made me feel good to be with
him, and I wanted him to stay for a long time. I want to meet him again.
After I die, if there are things to discuss pertaining to North-South relations,
you must always seek the advice of President Moon.”
So it seemed that we had communicated very well.
Soon after I ended my weeklong stay and left Pyongyang, Prime
Minister Hyung Muk Yeon led a North Korean delegation to Seoul.
Prime Minister Yon signed an agreement to denuclearize the Korean
peninsula. On January 30 of the following year, North Korea signed
a nuclear safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy
Agency, thus fulfilling the commitments that President Kim had made
to me. These were the results I accomplished by going to Pyongyang at
the risk of my life.
-------------------------
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    17.10.12

    Korea’s Unification Will Bring World Unification


    As I was coming out of the Kremlin Palace after meeting Mr.
    Gorbachev, I turned to Bo Hi Pak, who had accompanied me,
    and gave him a special instruction.
    “I need to meet President Kim Il Sung before the end of 1991,” I told
    him. “There’s no time. The Soviet Union is going to end in the next year
    or two. Our country is the problem. Somehow, I need to meet President
    Kim and prevent war from occurring on the Korean peninsula.”
    I knew that when the Soviet Union collapsed, most other communist
    regimes in the world would also fall. North Korea would find itself
    forced into a corner, and there was no telling what provocation it might
    commit. North Korea’s obsession with nuclear weapons made the situation
    even more worrisome. To prevent a war with North Korea, we
    needed a channel to talk to its leadership, but we had no such channel
    at that point. Somehow, I needed to meet President Kim and receive his
    commitment not to strike first against South Korea.
    The Korean peninsula is a scaled-down version of the world. If blood
    were shed on the Korean peninsula, it would be shed in the world. If
    reconciliation occurred on the peninsula, there would be reconciliation
    in the world. If the peninsula were unified, this would bring about
    unification in the world. Beginning in the late 1980s, however, North
    Korea had been working hard to become a country possessing nuclear
    weapons. Western countries were saying that they would stage a first
    strike against North Korea, if necessary. If the situation continued to
    the extreme, there was no telling what desperate move North Korea
    might attempt. I knew I somehow needed to open a channel of communication
    with North Korea.
    It was not an easy task. Bo Hi Pak communicated with North Korean
    Vice Premier Kim Dal Hyun, but North Korea’s response was firmly in
    the negative.
    “The people of North Korea know President Moon only as the ringleader
    of the international movement for victory over communism,” the
    vice premier said. “Why would we welcome the leader of a conservative,
    anti-communist group? A visit to North Korea by President Moon
    absolutely cannot be permitted.”
    Bo Hi Pak did not give up. “President Nixon of the United States
    was a strong anti-communist,” he reminded the North Korean official.
    “But he visited China, met Chairman Mao Zedong, and opened
    diplomatic relations between the United States and China. It was
    China that profited from this. Until then, China had been branded
    an aggressor nation, but it is now rising as the central country on
    the world stage. For North Korea to have international credibility,
    it should establish a friendship with a worldwide anti-communist
    such as President Moon.”
    Finally, President Kim Il Sung invited my wife and me on November
    30, 1991. We were in Hawaii at the time, so we quickly flew to Beijing.
    While we were waiting in the VIP lounge of Beijing Capital International
    Airport, which the government of China had arranged for us to use, a
    representative of the North Korean government came and handed us
    the official invitation. The official stamp of the Pyongyang government
    was clearly visible on the document.
    “The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea extends an invitation to
    Mr. Moon Sun Myung of the Unification Church, his wife, and entourage
    to enter the Republic. Their safety is guaranteed during the period
    of their stay in the North.”
    It was signed “Kim Dal Hyun, Vice Premier, Cabinet of the Democratic
    People’s Republic of Korea. November 30, 1991.”
    Our group boarded a special flight of Air Koryo (aircraft no. JS215)
    arranged for us by President Kim. A special flight from President Kim
    had never been arranged for any foreign head of state, so this was very
    exceptional and special treatment.
    The aircraft flew over the Yellow Sea, up to Sin-eui-ju, over my
    hometown of Jeong-ju, and on to Pyongyang. The special route had
    been charted to let me see my hometown. My heart began to pound
    as I looked down at my hometown, dyed red by the light of the setting
    sun, and I felt numb deep in my being. I wondered, “Can this
    really be my hometown?” I wanted to jump out right away and start
    running around the hills and valleys.
    At Pyongyang’s Sunan International Airport, family members
    whom I had not seen for forty-eight years were there to greet me. My
    younger sisters, who used to be as beautiful as flowers, had become
    grandmothers entering their senior years. They grasped my hands,
    creased their eyebrows, and began to cry wildly. My older sister,
    now more than seventy, grabbed me by the shoulder and cried. I,
    however, did not cry.
    “Please,” I said, “don’t do this. It’s important for me to meet my family,
    but I came to do God’s work. Please don’t do this. Get hold of yourselves.”
    Inside my heart, I was shedding tears like a waterfall. I was seeing
    my sisters for the first time in more than forty years, but I could not
    embrace them and cry with them. I maintained control of my heart,
    and made my way to our place of lodging.
    The next morning, as has been my custom throughout my life, I
    awoke early in the morning and began to pray. If there were any surveillance
    apparatus in the guesthouse, my tearful prayer for the unification
    of the Korean peninsula would have been recorded in its entirety. That
    day, we toured the city of Pyongyang. The city was well-fortified with
    the red slogans of juche ideology.
    On the third day of our visit, we boarded an aircraft to tour Mount
    Kumgang. Though it was the winter season, the Kuryong Falls had not
    frozen and still spouted a strong flow of water. After touring all the different
    areas of Mount Kumgang, we boarded a helicopter on our sixth
    day, to be transported to my hometown. In my dreams, I had felt such
    a strong yearning for my childhood home that I felt as though I could
    run to it in one bound. And now, there it was, appearing before me.
    I could hardly believe my eyes. Was this real, or was I dreaming? For
    what seemed like the longest time, I could only stand there, like a statue,
    in front of my home. After several minutes, I stepped inside. It used to
    be in the shape of a square, with the main wing, guest wing, storehouse,
    and barn built around a central courtyard. Now, only the main wing
    remained. I went into the main room, where I had been born, and sat
    on the floor with my legs crossed. Memories of what it had been like in
    my childhood came back to me as clearly as if it were only yesterday. I
    opened the small door that led from the main room to the kitchen and
    looked out at the backyard. The chestnut tree I used to climb had been
    cut down and was gone. It seemed as though I could hear my mother
    calling to me sweetly. “Is my little tiny-eyes hungry?” The cotton cloth
    of her traditional dress passed quickly before my eyes.
    I visited my parents’ grave site and offered a bouquet of flowers. The
    last time I saw my mother was when she came to visit me in prison
    in Heungnam and cried out loud. Her grave was thinly covered by
    the snow that had fallen the night before. I brushed it away with the
    palm of my hand and gently caressed the grass that had grown over her
    grave. The rough touch of the grass reminded me of the roughness of
    my mother’s skin on the back of her hand.

    16.10.12

    “Allow Freedom of Religion in the Soviet Union”


    There are a number of materialism-based theories that are
    popularly held but not verified. One is Charles Darwin’s theory
    of evolution. Another such theory comes from the writings of
    Karl Marx. The idea that spirit originates from matter is wrong down
    to its root. Human beings are created by God, and all beings are unified
    bodies having both material and spiritual aspects. In short, the core
    theory and philosophy underlying communism is wrong. While studying
    in Japan, I worked together with communists for the independence
    of Korea. They were my good friends who were prepared to give their
    lives, if necessary, for the liberation of our homeland; but our way of
    thinking was fundamentally different. So, once independence was
    achieved, we had to go our separate ways.
    I am opposed to the historical materialism of communism. I have
    carried out a movement for victory over communism throughout the
    world. I have advised successive U.S. presidents to protect the free
    world, standing up to the communist strategy of turning the world red.
    Communist countries that were unhappy with my actions attempted
    to remove me through acts of terror, but I do not hate them. Nor do
    I consider them my enemy. I oppose the philosophy and ideology of
    communism, but I have never hated its people. God wants even communists
    to be brought into His oneness.
    In that sense, my visit to Moscow in April 1990 for a meeting with
    President Mikhail Gorbachev and my visit to Pyongyang the next year
    for a meeting with President Kim Il Sung were not simple journeys;
    they were taken at the risk of my life. It was my destiny to go on these
    journeys to convey Heaven’s will to these men. I said only half-jokingly
    at the time that Moscow, pronounced in English, sounds similar to
    “must go,” and so I had to go.
    I had a long-held conviction regarding communism. I could
    foresee that signs pointing to the fall of communism would begin
    to appear after about sixty years from the Bolshevik Revolution, and
    that the Soviet edifice would fall in 1987, the seventieth anniversary
    of the revolution. So I was excited in 1984, when I heard that Dr.
    Morton Kaplan, a noted political scientist at the University of Chicago,
    was proposing to hold an international conference titled, “The
    Fall of the Soviet Empire.” I asked him to pay me a visit in Danbury
    prison so that we could discuss the details. The first thing I said to
    him when we met was that I wanted him to declare “the end of Soviet
    communism” before August 15 of that year.
    Dr. Kaplan responded, “Declare the end of Soviet communism? How
    can I do such a risky thing?” and indicated he was not inclined to do this.
    But, it’s the final flame that burns the brightest. In 1985, the Soviet Union
    was increasing its worldwide influence, and there were no outward signs
    of its decline. So it was natural that Dr. Kaplan would be reluctant. If he
    made a declaration predicting such a specific event and it turned out to
    be false, his reputation as a scholar could be destroyed overnight.
    “Rev. Moon,” he said, “I believe you when you say that Soviet communism
    will fall. But I don’t think it will happen just yet. So instead
    of declaring, ‘the end of Soviet communism,’ how about if we say ‘the
    decline of Soviet communism? ’” I saw, too, that he was proposing to
    soften the title of his program and use something other than “Fall of the
    Soviet Empire.”
    I burned with anger. These were compromises I could not accept. I
    felt strongly that if a person had conviction, he should be brave and put
    out all his energy to fight, even if he feels afraid.
    “Dr. Kaplan,” I said, “What do you mean? When I ask you to declare
    the end of communism, I have a reason. The day you declare the end of
    communism, it will take energy away from it and help bring about its
    peaceful collapse. Why are you hesitating?”
    In the end, Dr. Kaplan declared “the end of Soviet communism” at
    a conference of the Professors World Peace Academy (PWPA) held in
    Geneva under the title, “The Fall of the Soviet Empire: Prospects for
    Transition to a Post-Soviet World.” It was something that no one had
    dared consider. Because Switzerland was a neutral country, Geneva was
    a major staging area for the Soviet Committee for State Security (KGB),
    and many KGB agents worked from there to carry out espionage and
    terror activities around the world. The Intercontinental Hotel, where
    the PWPA conference was held, faced the Soviet embassy across the
    street, so I can well imagine how much fear Dr. Kaplan must have felt.
    A few years later, however, he became well-known as the scholar who
    first predicted the end of Soviet communism.
    In April 1990, I convened the World Media Conference held in Moscow.
    Unexpectedly, the Soviet government gave me head-of-state–level
    protocol, beginning at the airport. We were transported to the center
    of Moscow in a police-escorted motorcade. The car that carried me
    traveled on the yellow section of the road, which was used only by the
    president and state guests. This happened before the collapse of the Soviet
    Union. The Soviet government afforded this exceptional treatment
    to me, an anti-communist.
    At the conference, I gave an address praising the move toward perestroika.
    I said this revolution must be bloodless, and that it must be a
    revolution of the mind and spirit. The purpose of my visit was to attend
    the World Media Conference, but my mind was focused on meeting
    President Gorbachev.
    At the time, President Gorbachev was popular within the Soviet
    Union, following the successes of his perestroika policies. I could have
    met the U.S. president ten times if I’d wanted to, but meeting President
    Gorbachev was much more difficult. I was concerned that even one
    meeting might be difficult to achieve. I had a message to give him, and
    it was important that I do this in person. He was reforming the Soviet
    Union, giving rise to the winds of freedom there, but as time passed,
    the swords of reform were being increasingly pointed at his back. If the
    situation were left unchecked, he was about to fall into great danger.
    I explained, “If he does not meet me, he has no way to catch the wave
    of heavenly fortune, and if he cannot do that, he will not last long.”
    Perhaps President Gorbachev heard this expression of my concern.
    The next day, he invited me to the Kremlin Palace. I rode in a limousine
    provided by the Soviet government and entered deep into the Kremlin.
    On entering the presidential office, my wife and I took our seats, and
    Cabinet ministers of the Soviet Union took seats next to us. President
    Gorbachev smiled a big smile and gave us an energetic explanation of
    the successes of his perestroika policies. Then he showed me into an
    anteroom, where we met one on one. I used this opportunity to give
    him the following message.
    “Mr. President, you have already achieved much success through
    perestroika, but that alone will not be sufficient for reform. You need
    to immediately allow freedom of religion in the Soviet Union. If you
    try to reform only the material world, without the involvement of God,
    perestroika will be doomed to fail. Communism is about to end. The
    only way to save this nation is to allow the freedom of religion. The time
    is now for you to act with the courage that you have shown in reforming
    the Soviet Union and become a president of the world who works to
    bring about world peace.”
    President Gorbachev’s face hardened at the mention of religious
    freedom, as though he had not been expecting this. As one would
    expect from the man who had allowed the reunification of Germany,
    however, he quickly relaxed his expression and soberly accepted my
    words to him. I continued, saying, “South Korea and the Soviet Union
    should now open diplomatic relations. In that context, please invite
    South Korean President Roh Tae Woo to visit.” I also explained a list of
    reasons why it would be good for the two countries to have diplomatic
    relations. After I had finished all I wanted to say, President Gorbachev
    made a promise to me with a tone of certitude that I had not heard him
    express prior to that point.
    “I am confident,” he said, “that relations between South Korea and
    the Soviet Union will develop smoothly. I, too, believe that political
    stability and the relaxation of tensions on the Korean peninsula is necessary.
    Opening diplomatic relations with South Korea is only a matter
    of time; there are no obstacles. As you suggested, I will meet President
    Roh Tae Woo.”
    As I was about to leave President Gorbachev that day, I took off my
    watch and put it on his wrist. He seemed a little bewildered that I would
    treat him as I might an old friend. So I told him firmly, “Each time your
    reforms face difficulty, please look at this watch and remember your
    promise to me. If you do that, Heaven will surely open a path for you.”
    As he promised me, President Gorbachev met President Roh in
    San Francisco in June that year for a bilateral summit. Then, on September
    30, 1990, South Korea and the Soviet Union signed a historic
    agreement to open diplomatic relations for the first time in eightysix
    years. Of course, politics is the job of politicians, and diplomacy
    is the job of diplomats. Sometimes, though, when a door has been
    closed for a long time, a religious person who has no interests at
    stake can be more effective.
    Four years later, President and Mrs. Gorbachev visited Seoul, and
    my wife and I hosted them at our home in the Hannam Dong neighborhood.
    He had already been removed from power by a coup d’état.
    Following the coup by anti-reformist forces opposed to perestroika, he
    had resigned his position as general secretary of the Soviet Communist
    Party and dissolved the party. As a communist, he had eliminated the
    Communist Party. The former president and first lady used chopsticks
    to eat the bulgogi and jabchae we had carefully prepared. When he was
    served su-jeong-gwa as dessert, Mr. Gorbachev repeated several times,
    “Korea has excellent traditional foods.” He and the first lady appeared
    quite different from the days when he was in office. Mrs. Gorbachev,
    who had previously been a thoroughgoing Marxist-Leninist lecturing
    at Moscow State University, wore a necklace with a crucifix.
    “Mr. President, you did a great thing,” I told him. “You gave up your
    post as general secretary of the Soviet Union, but now you have become
    the president of peace. Because of your wisdom and courage, we now
    have the possibility to bring world peace. You did the most important,
    eternal, and beautiful thing for the world. You are a hero of peace who
    did God’s work. The name that will be remembered forever in the
    history of Russia will not be ‘Marx,’ ‘Lenin,’ or ‘Stalin.’ It will only be
    ‘Mikhail Gorbachev.’”
    I gave high praise to the decision by Mr. Gorbachev to bring about
    the breakup of the Soviet Union, the mother country of communism,
    without shedding blood.
    In response, Mr. Gorbachev said, “Rev. Moon, I have been greatly
    comforted by your words. Hearing your words gives me energy. I will
    devote the remainder of my life to projects that are for the sake of world
    peace.” And he firmly took my hand in his.